In China, the Forgotten Manchu Seek to Rekindle Their Glory

IAN JOHNSON – The Wall Street Journal

Copyright The Wall Street Journal
QAPQAL, China — Hasutai gingerly turns on the tape recorder and places it on a table. Out of it emanates something he thought he’d never hear: his native tongue, Manchu, spoken by a living person.
Revival of a Language
Listen to a traditional story in Manchu and read along with an English translation. Plus, learn some key phrases and see how they compare to Mandarin.
[manchu]
Hasutai is a Manchu, descendant of a nomadic warrior tribe that conquered China in the 17th century and ruled it for more than 250 years. Generations of persecution have all but eliminated the Manchus’ language.
So Hasutai, who in the Manchu tradition goes by the one name, has come to this remote corner of China on a quest. His goal is to connect with members of the Xibe tribe — a reclusive group who speak a forgotten dialect similar to his people’s. Along with a band of like-minded young people in half a dozen Chinese cities, Hasutai has started schools, Web sites, written textbooks and recorded the few remaining Manchu speakers for posterity. “At some point you realize that the first language you’re speaking isn’t your mother tongue,” says Hasutai. “You feel like an orphan. You want to find your mother.”
Hasutai is at the vanguard of an explosion of ethnic awareness and pride across China. The nation’s 1.3 billion people are overwhelmingly Han Chinese, but roughly 9% of the population are ethnic minorities: Manchus and Mongolians, Uighurs and Tibetans as well as dozens of others. Although their numbers are small, minorities live on nearly half of China’s territory, including most of its borderlands. Over the past two years they have been at the center of bloody riots that claimed hundreds of lives.
As China’s Communist Party marks its 60th year this week with a series of festivities to symbolize national unity, Chinese society is struggling to overcome growing ethnic rifts.
[Puyi, China’s last Manchu emperor, in 1956.] Associated Press
For decades, China’s authoritarian policies kept a lid on ethnic expression. Now, as the party loosens control over society, individuals are defining themselves by their culture — embracing who they are, what language they speak and what their ancestors accomplished. “This is not a hobby or an interest,” says Hukshen, a 22-year-old Manchu language student. “This is a burning emotion I feel, a need to find out who I am.”
On some levels, this search can be a positive force, helping to give meaning to people’s lives. “Having these outlets helps stability,” says Sara Davis, director of Asia Catalyst, a non-governmental organization that promotes grassroots organizing. “If [people] feel proud of their culture, they’re invested in their society.”
But because many of China’s 55 minority groups still feel marginalized, expressions of anger and violence are on the rise. Over the past two years, China has suffered serious ethnic rioting, something rare in China’s recent history. Earlier this year, riots in China’s vast region of Xinjiang left nearly 200 dead and 2,000 wounded.
A heightened sense of ethnic identity also poses challenges because China has few national symbols or myths to hold the groups together. Most Manchus, for example, are unimpressed with the Great Wall, a defensive fortification built by Chinese to keep them out. Ma Rong, a prominent writer and thinker at Peking University, says society is fragmenting.
“We should rethink a new framework of nation building,” Mr. Ma wrote in a recent essay. He called upon people to “endeavor to make the country consider the ‘nation’ as the most essential and the most fundamental identification group.”
The princes of the Manchu dynasty circa 1900. In the Manchu tradition one name is often used. From left, Tsai Tao, Ah, Su, Tsai Fu, Gen. Yin Tchang, Tsai Hsuen, Na Tung, Hsue, the president Tsao and Chia-Lai.
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The princes of the Manchu dynasty circa 1900. In the Manchu tradition one name is often used. From left, Tsai Tao, Ah, Su, Tsai Fu, Gen. Yin Tchang, Tsai Hsuen, Na Tung, Hsue, the president Tsao and Chia-Lai.
The princes of the Manchu dynasty circa 1900. In the Manchu tradition one name is often used. From left, Tsai Tao, Ah, Su, Tsai Fu, Gen. Yin Tchang, Tsai Hsuen, Na Tung, Hsue, the president Tsao and Chia-Lai.
The princes of the Manchu dynasty circa 1900. In the Manchu tradition one name is often used. From left, Tsai Tao, Ah, Su, Tsai Fu, Gen. Yin Tchang, Tsai Hsuen, Na Tung, Hsue, the president Tsao and Chia-Lai.
Much of the identification can be traced to the Communists’ policies. Soon after the party took power in 1949, it adopted minority programs imported from the Soviets. The population was divided into ethnic groups. Today there are 56. For those who didn’t fit neat categories, social scientists created classifications. Even the Chinese majority got their own label, “Han.” The basic idea was to keep an eye on minority groups — especially those in strategically important regions of the country like Tibet and Xinjiang — in order to prevent uprisings.
The policies have been a double-edged sword. By emblazoning people’s ethnicity on their identity cards and passports, few can forget their past. Yet newer policies push assimilation. Officially, Beijing encourages minorities to learn languages and offers schooling, broadcasts and publications in minority languages. In practice, these offerings are minimal.
Minority education often takes place for a few grades in elementary school, while broadcasts are often just for an hour or two a day, or even a week. Coupled with economic forces that push them to learn Chinese, this neglect means that many young minorities have only a rudimentary understanding of their mother tongues.
For Manchus, the sense of loss was particularly acute. Manchus originated from China’s northeast, which under the country’s last dynasty, the Qing, was off-limits to Han Chinese immigration. As the dynasty collapsed toward the end of the 19th century, Chinese migrants flooded in. When Japan occupied Manchuria in the 1930s, Manchu language education was replaced by Japanese. Once China retook the region at the war’s end, Japanese classes were replaced by Chinese. The Manchu language was never again taught on a wide scale.
As a result, virtually no Manchus today have heard Manchu spoken by their parents. For many, it was taboo. Gebu Algika, a 30-year-old sports promoter who helps run one of the Manchu classes in Beijing, said his grandfather, a prominent Manchu, was executed by the Communists shortly after the 1949 takeover for being a “reactionary.” His family fearfully changed its ethnic registration from Manchu to Han. “People born after 1950 don’t speak it,” he says. “It was politically dangerous.”
As rulers of China’s last dynasty, Manchus suffered especially under communist rule. Members of the court underwent ideological indoctrination: Most famously the last emperor, Puyi, whose life story was filmed by Bernardo Bertolucci, became a gardener. His relatives were forbidden to speak Manchu, and Manchu schools in Beijing closed down.
Today, only one elementary school in the country teaches Manchu, and that only as an elective. In universities and a handful of private schools, written Manchu is still taught but purely as a means to reading the Qing dynasty’s archives.
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